By: Takudzwa Makoni

South Africa, 1983. The white minority government is crumbling. International economic sanctions have proved a body blow to the apartheid economy, though black-market and third party nudge-nudge, wink-wink sales of mineral ore, as well as the rich bounty provided by the vast tracts of land under cultivation by the Boers have, until now, perpetuated the status quo.

The townships, however, are fast becoming ungovernable.
The early to mid-eighties in South Africa has become synonymous with violence and brutality. With many black political leaders banned, assassinated or imprisoned, the gains ‘black South Africa’ has made towards self-rule are in jeopardy. With no formal leadership, the revolution manifests itself as uncoordinated, spontaneous confrontation. Blood and fear pervade the very fabric of this no-nation.

At Rocklands Civic Centre {20 August 1983}, though, the mood is quite different. People from all walks of South African life have converged on this innocuous meeting hall, for what will become known as arguably the most important day in South African struggle politics: The formation of the United Democratic Front. On this day, nearly forty years of racial classification is forgotten as individuals and organisations come together not as blacks, whites or Indians, but as South Africans to embrace and express the UDF’s founding sentiment- ‘The People Shall Govern.’

The guest list is a veritable who’s who of struggle politics: Helen Joseph, Archie Gumede, Oscar Mpethe, Samson Ndou, Aubrey Mokoena to name a few, are all in attendance. Even a young Reverend Frank Chikane can be spotted in the crowd. This mosaic of personalities, views and motivations is the foundation of unified resistance. With over 600 civic groups, churches, student and youth organisations represented, the UDF really was a people’s movement.

“We have arrived at an historic moment. We have brought together under the aegis of the United Democratic Front the broadest and most significant coalition of groups and organisations struggling against apartheid, racism and injustice since the early nineteen fifties.” Doctor Allan Boesak’s opening remarks at the UDF launch, Rocklands Civic Centre, Mitchell’s Plain.

Dr. Allan Boesak is widely credited for first propounding the idea of all the disenfranchised groups in South Africa creating a united front against the apartheid regime in general, but more specifically against President  P.W. Botha’s Tri-Caramel Parliament- a pseudo-democratic system designed to isolate the individual race groups under the guise of separate but equal sovereignty. As Dr. Boesak put it, ‘the politics of refusal needed a united front.’

UDF back in the days of Apartheid Pictures from: mg.co.za

However, organised, peaceful protest, which became the UDF’s signature, had been seen by this stage, all across South Africa. In Port Elizabeth, for example, Mkhuseli Jack, a young activist, organised strategic, non-violent protest. Jack implemented wide-spread boycotts of white-owned businesses. Strategies such as this, as well as rent boycotts and labour strikes soon became the methodology adopted by the UDF.

Struggle leaders had no doubt also noted the transition of power in neighbouring Zimbabwe, and the role the international community, most notably Britain, played in brokering the process.With the African National Congress {ANC} classified in Britain as a terrorist organisation, and with President Botha’s government positioning itself as the thin red line between colonial Africa, and communist Africa  as seen in Angola and Mozambique, it was clear that a more palatable embodiment of oppressed South Africa’s ideals and aspirations was needed to give the international community- United States of America and the Common Wealth- more specifically Thatcher’s conservatives, a viable alternative. In an interview with Oliver Tambo’s son Dali Tambo, Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe said what many African Leaders felt at the time; despite differences in opinion, historical context and the politics of the time, it was felt that ‘Mrs Thatcher, you could trust her.’
Dr. Boesak and the UDF had been listening intently it appears, to President Botha’s prophetic statement to his parliament: ‘Adapt or die.’

As the UDF’s popularity and membership grew- over three million registered members, and uncounted millions of unregistered supporters- inevitable internal ideological clashes soon ensued- Ghandi-ites and Marxists, trade unionists and activists, liberal whites and proponents of black consciousness all trying to co-exist and function under one umbrella. While it can be argued that this philosophical patchwork quilt left the organisation often without direction, perhaps it was this very willingness to set aside inessential differences for the greater good that so resonated with the UDF’s constituents.

The UDF also experienced tense relationships with the National Forum and Inkatha, who commanded respect nationally. The continued successes of the UDF however soon made it clear to all organisations that the group would play a key role on the national political stage. Indeed, very soon after its formation, the UDF organised and implemented the 1 million signatures campaign in protest against the so-called Kornhoof legislation on black local government, and the successful boycott action against the election of the House of Representatives and the House of Delegates.

Despite these grand gestures, perhaps the UDF’s greatest achievement, was initiating organisation and structure at grass-roots levels across the country, which, according to Padraig O’Malley, noted analyst and author, created local structures that played a key role in the ‘political education and mobilization of the masses,’ transforming ‘mass support into active participation,’ with campaign themes such as ‘From Protest to Challenge: From Mobilization to Organisation,’ and ‘forward to People’s Power.’

The UDF, after a decade of struggle, voluntarily disbanded after the unbanning of the ANC- one would be hard-pressed indeed to find another organisation voluntarily dissolving when the prize of political power was so close- and committed to helping the ANC, and South Africa, towards the goal of a peaceful democracy.

Twenty years after its formation, the UDF name and paraphernalia was reborn in Cape Town in 2012. Founder, Mario Wanza, Cape Town activist and former ANC member: The aim of relaunching the movement was to go back to the ideals of the Freedom Charter, which was adopted by the UDF.

Many former UDF members, Trevor Manuel, Valli Moosa, Pravhin Gordham and Jeremy Cronin among them have come out strongly against what they characterise as political opportunism by Wanza in an open letter: ‘..consequently, we must guard against the opportunistic and ahistorical use of the symbols of the UDF, especially for what appear to be nefarious interests.’

At a glance, the new UDF does not seem to have a part to play in the formulation and implementation of South African policy going forward: Besides strong support from the Mannenberg area, Wanza does not seem to have captured the larger imagination and pervading political sentiment.  While his timing seems to perfectly coincide with the growing lack of confidence with the ANC highlighted by the formation of breakaway parties and factional friction, the new UDF has not so far managed to impose themselves on the political scene.
Despite trying to position itself as linked with the ANC through affiliation with its youth league by joining in on the ‘economic freedom’ march to Premier Zille’s offices, the party has not defined at least nationally, how they differ from the ANC.

Perhaps the reinstatement of the UDF has a larger significance: Wanza’s contention that the ANC has failed to live up to the Freedom Charter will no doubt resonate with many South Africans.The question then becomes- will the ruling party and its constituents take note of these contentions, and examine their effectiveness in regards to meeting the promises and goals of their organisation, and the constitution of The Republic of South Africa.